Interfax's Interview

Mister Erler, the Russian State Duma has passed a bill on the suspension of the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty. In your opinion, is there any chance to evade Russia’s moratorium on the CFE Treaty before December 12 and what could Russia’s partners in the West do before that date?

 Germany’s Federal Government has made active moves in order to preserve the CFE Treaty. Germany organized a conference on the treaty that took place near Berlin in early October. And Russia hailed the idea.

 I told my Russian colleagues within the framework of this visit that disregarding what will happen on December 12, we will persist with an effort to preserve the treaty, as well as to launch the ratification process of the adapted CFE Treaty signed in 1999.

 I received positive signals from my Russian colleagues. I have an impression after the talks that will continue in Moscow today that Russia is interested in continuing the ratification process of the adapted CFE Treaty.

 Can you say whether Germany links the ratification of the CFE Treaty with Russia’s fulfillment of the so-called Istanbul agreements?

 We link the process with the Istanbul agreements in a positive manner. Moreover, some of these obligations were met. This concerns the withdrawal of Russian troops from Georgia. Now the situation surrounding Transdniestria needs to be clarified. I think these criteria are not an invincible obstacle to preserving the CFE Treaty.

Germany plays an active role in the Kosovo settlement. Will the accelerated status definition process contribute to the settlement? And what is your attitude to Russia’s position, which warns that the unilateral recognition of Kosovo’s independence will be a precedent for frozen conflicts in CIS territories, primarily in South Ossetia and Abkhazia?

 Indeed, the German federal government has actively been seeking the Kosovo settlement, and we will continue with our efforts before December 10. Unfortunately, I must say that the last but one round of the talks was a failure.

 The worst scenario is a refusal to achieve the settlement at talks. In this case, there is a threat of spontaneous and politically uncontrolled actions. That is why we place great emphasis on the work of the Troika [the European Union, Russia, and the United States] and we count on Russia’s assistance. In any case we prefer solving the problem at talks.

 The Russia side stated that there will be no ‘red line’ after December 10, and the Kosovo status talks could continue. Meanwhile, the West discusses possible unilateral recognition of the Kosovo independence after December 10. Could you comment on the situation?

 We want this problem be solved at talks, but we must say frankly that the resolution of the Kosovo status issue has been postponed many times and that the patience of Kosovars has been exhausting.

 We do not urge anyone to make a unilateral decision. But we all know about Pristina’s warnings that it could take unilateral actions after December 10.

 Can you say whether Germany understands Russia’s concerns about the deployment of elements of the U.S. missile defense in Eastern Europe?

 We set the task to focus on essential talks on the missile defense elements between Russia and the United States. I can say that the effort was successful and the talks have been underway. It can be said that this is an honest dialogue in the atmosphere of cooperation. Russia made certain proposals, and now we are in a different situation if compared to the one in the beginning of the year, which threatened to seriously change Russian-U.S. relationships, as well as the relationships between the U.S. and European states.

Can you say whether Germany worries about U.S. plans?

 Various parties have various approaches to the issue. The Social-Democratic Party is critical to these plans. But not all parties take this position. The German federal government places stake on the attempt to begin negotiations. We hope that this effort will be successful.

 How does Germany treat the situation in Georgia and the escalation in Russian-Georgian relations?

 When Russian-Georgian relations were spoilt we regretted this and called on the parties to avoid that the situation affects common Georgians.
 We were calling on Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili from the very beginning to cancel the state of emergency. This has happened. Now, given the beginning the electoral campaign, the work of opposition and media organizations is very important.

 How do you assess the situation surrounding the Iranian nuclear program? Do you share the position of the U.S. and some European counties that tougher sanctions should be imposed against Iran?

 We have twice agreed to impose sanctions against Iran, because the issue concerned strengthening the authority of the United Nations, when Iran failed to comply with relevant demands of the international community.

 We place hope on the talks and we see no alternatives to this. That is why we think that the work within the framework of the sextet [China, Germany, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States]. We think that everybody should act altogether. This is the only way to exert positive influence on Iran. Any unilateral measures do not comply with this strategic approach.

 At the same time, a common position as to further steps should be protected, and we need to wait for a final report by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) director general.

 Does Germany continue to seek permanent membership in the UN Security Council and whether it counts on Russia’s assistance in the area?

 Germany does not run after egoistic goals in the UN. At the same time, Germany thinks it necessary to extend the list of permanent members of the UN Security Council, because such important countries as Japan, India, as well as South American and African states are not represented there.

 If the composition of the UN Security Council is extended, Germany thinks it should become a permanent member, as the third largest donor to the UN budget and as a country that has the largest amount of international obligations.
 We, of course, will hail any political support to this effort.

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