Interfax's Interview

 Mr. Solana, how would you comment on the current state of Russia-EU relations? What is your prediction, will Russia and the EU succeed in setting up the negotiations on a new fundamental agreement during the summit in Portugal? Are there preconditions for this? Or will everything again depend on the solution of the so-called Polish meat problem?

  Russia is the European Union's biggest and most important neighbor. Both the European Union and Russia agree that we need a strategic partnership, and all our efforts aim at strengthening this partnership and giving it concrete expression.

  EU-Russia relations are generally developing well in a wide range of sectors covered by the four Common Spaces. We should highlight this because over recent months our relations have often been negatively portrayed. As in any close relationship, there are problems and difficulties that need to be addressed.

  The EU had hoped to be able to launch negotiations on a new EU-Russia Agreement at the Mafra Summit. Unfortunately, this will not be possible, as we still need to overcome the problem of the Russian ban on imports of meat and plant products from Poland. The interruption of oil supplies to Lithuania via the Druzhba pipeline is another issue to be solved. Today, our mature relationship allows us to address such problems openly with our Russian partners and in a positive spirit of trying to find solutions.

  The EU also sees Russia's future accession to the WTO as an important step that will strengthen our economic relations. We hope that the last remaining obstacles on that path can be removed quickly, so that we can further develop our economic and trade co-operation.

  Regarding foreign policy, Russia is beyond doubt a key partner for us with whom we work together very closely on crucial questions affecting international security, such as the Middle East, Iran, the Western Balkans, North Korea and the fight against terrorism. We are both members in the most important international fora and consult each other very frequently on all these issues.

  The Russian officials have already said that the EU new energy policy, which restricted foreign investments into the EU energy sector, damaged Russian interests. In your mind, is there a space for real concerns? Do you plan to explain the goals of this new policy to the Russian side during the summit? And don't you believe that while restricting foreign investments, the EU could diminish its own chances to participate in the Russian energy market?

  First of all, let me say that our internal debate is still underway. Interesting proposals are on the table and we will soon have a debate on how to take them forward. As our main energy supplier, it is normal that Russia has views and we look forward to hearing them at the summit. For us, they are obviously an important element in our debate. The logic of the proposals made is to establish a level playing field for all companies, whether based in the EU or in third countries.

  As you know, the EU and Russia set up an energy dialogue in 2000 that is working well and that allows us to develop our dialogue and cooperation in the field of energy. I am sure that at the summit and in the framework of this dialogue we will be able to discuss these issues in a positive and constructive manner.

 How do you assess the functioning of the EU-Russia early warning system for possible disruptions in energy supplies?

  We hope that the modalities of an EU-Russia energy early warning mechanism, agreed in principle in Samara, can be finalized at the Mafra Summit. This mechanism will be an important tool of our energy partnership since it will increase transparency and therefore confidence and predictability in our energy relations.

  Do you still think that Kosovo case is a unique one and granting independence to Kosovo won't lead to the strengthening of separatism in different corners of the world?  What steps will be undertaken by the EU after the 10th of December and could the EU unilaterally recognize Kosovo's independence?

 Kosovo is very much a European issue and we, in the European Union, are very much aware of our responsibility in contributing to find a solution. We fully support the ongoing negotiations led by a troika in which both the EU and Russia are members, together with the US. The troika so far has been very successful in forging a common approach to these negotiations. We are still hopeful that these negotiations will be successful. What will happen after they are concluded will depend entirely on their result.  We see Kosovo as a very special case, whose particular circumstances, including the settlement of its final status through a process led by the UN Security Council, has no equivalent elsewhere.

  Mr. Solana, as far as Iran is concerned, how optimistic are you about the negotiations between you and your Iranian counterparts? The US and France have called for new and more strict sanctions against Iran. Besides, not so long ago there were statements, made in these countries, concerning possible bombing attacks against Iran.  What is your position about this issue?

 I have been asked to carry out talks with Iran on behalf of the EU as well as of France, Germany, UK, US, Russia and China.  The policy agreed both within the EU and in this restricted group is a dual-track approach: pressure, including through measures by the UN Security Council, but also readiness to resume fully fledged negotiations with Iran if Iran meets the requirements of the Security Council.

 The measures of the Security Council are based on article 41 of the UN Charter, which does not provide a basis for any military action. Our approach consists in showing to Iran that, if they are not ready to restore confidence on the civilian nature of their nuclear program, we are ready to apply measures which can have a serious impact on the Iranian economy.

 On the contrary, if they decide to work on rebuilding confidence, we are ready to engage in full negotiations which could not only solve the nuclear issue but would also allow to establish between our countries and Iran a totally new relationship based on cooperation in the technological, economic and political fields.

 What is your attitude to the US plans to deploy elements of its national missile defense system in Central Europe? Does the EU plan to interfere in the negotiations between Washington, Warsaw and Prague? Does the EU need such a shield? Do you accept Russian concerns in this regard and what is your estimation of Russian diplomatic efforts? Do you believe that there is a certain sense of such efforts and offers?

  The European Union is not directly involved in the issue of missile defense. However, we welcome the fact that talks are underway between the United States and Russia with the aim of finding a common approach to this issue. It seems to me that this question is taken very seriously by both sides. Agreement on how to proceed would indeed be very positive for European security.

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