Interfax's Interview

 Boris Vyacheslavovich, United Russia has taken to frequently calling itself “a party of real deeds” in the run-up to the elections. Is its slogan for the elections?

 I would like to remind you that United Russia has been functioning in its present form – as a party – for more than five years. Over this whole period of time, we have not refused to assume responsibility for all processes underway in the country, taking account of the fact that a parliamentary majority, which includes deputies who are members of our faction, is working in parliament. All these positive things have taken place in the country partly thanks to our party’s work.

 Political and economic stability has been achieved, and we now have an opportunity to begin implementing strategic projects and forming a strategic growth budget, which will help bolster economic growth and improve living standards.

 It is clear that, given this state of affairs, it is easier for us to carry out our election campaign than for other parties, because we have something to report. If we promise something, we deliver on our promises. If we propose some project, you can be sure that this project has been calculated from an economic standpoint. The voter will believe us for the simple reason that we do not have a habit of deceiving our voters.

 Will they cast their ballots for United Russia?

 If you mean the December elections to the State Duma, one probably does not have to be a very experienced forecaster to admit already today that our faction will be smaller than it is today. As far as this Duma is concerned, there are 184 deputies from single seat districts among the 311 members of the United Russia faction. Taking account of the fact that the parliamentary elections will follow new rules – they will take place based on party lists – one can expect the number of our faction’s members to fall. But this principle was included in electoral legislation at United Russia’s initiative. Our aim was to give an impetus to the development of large parties. Although, of course, we made our task at the elections more complex.

 Nevertheless, we are convinced that we will be able to form a parliamentary majority. I mean that we will control more than one half of seats in parliament, which will allow us to influence the State Duma’s legislative activities. We think that we will have plenty of possibilities to ensure the continuation of the policy being pursued by the president today.
 
 Fair Russia and other parties are being referred to as Kremlin-sponsored projects that will help form a constitutional majority, along with United Russia in the new Duma. One also views it as a force opposing United Russia, not the authorities. How would you describe the Mironov-led party? Is it an opposition, a rival seeking to force United Russia out of the political scene?
 
 Of course, there is a term such as a “political project”. Speaking at a recent major news conference, the president himself did not make it a secret that he had played a large role in the establishment of the United Russia party. It is true. Of course, I hold consultations with Vladimir Vladimirovich [Putin] on all of the day-to-day issues on the party’s agenda. It is hard to say whether or not United Russia and Fair Russia will be partners in the fifth Duma. This party [Fair Russia] is using rhetoric and ideas that are populist in many ways, which runs counter to the principles of United Russia. In fact, Fair Russia has announced a contest of good wishes and is trying to win it. We have chosen not to join this contest. That is why we want our potential opponents to continue bearing responsibility for it. Probably, it is just a pre-election step, and Fair Russia will then abandon populist promises and will pursue a policy aimed at continuing Putin’s strategy.
 
 How would you assess the Free Russia party’s chances to enter the State Duma and to replace the Union of Right Forces and Yabloko in parliament’s lower chamber?
 
 Right-wing forces have some chances. But they have a chance to form the fifth faction in the next State Duma only if they all unite. Then they will have sufficient resources to overcome the 7% threshold. Otherwise, the fifth Duma will have no right-wing parties, and, as today, United Russia will again act as the most right-wing party in the Duma.

 Do your plans to win the elections and to form a parliamentary majority mean that you are ready to create a party-based government, or, at least, to control more Cabinet posts?

 As far as the future government is concerned, the government must resign under the law after March 2008, following the presidential elections and the inauguration of the elected president. It will probably happen in May 2008, after which a new Cabinet will be formed. I think that it will include more than three United Russia representatives.
 
 Will incumbent ministers join United Russia, or will you delegate candidates who are already members of the party?

 I do not mean that we should change some approaches to forming a government. It is not a question of parliament effectively selecting all members of the Cabinet following the elections. It is not so. In accordance with the law, we will approve or reject candidates for the post of prime minister nominated by the president. But debates on this candidate and issues related to deputies’ support for him will certainly address a number of government members that will represent United Russia. I would like to say that our condition during debates on Mikhail Fradkov’s candidacy was that Alexander Zhukov must be appointed deputy prime minister. We insisted on his appointment as deputy prime minister. As for our party’s members [Emergency Situations Minister] Sergei Shoigu and [Agriculture Minister] Alexei Gordeyev, we assumed that Fradkov himself would suggest them.   

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